by Bret Stephens
Tax cuts. Deregulation. More for the military; less for the United Nations. The Islamic State crushed in its heartland. Assad hit with cruise missiles. Troops to Afghanistan. Arms for Ukraine. A tougher approach to North Korea. Jerusalem recognised as Israel's capital. The Iran deal decertified. Title IX kangaroo courts on campus condemned. Yes to Keystone. No to Paris. Wall Street roaring and consumer confidence high.
And, of course, Neil Gorsuch on the Supreme Court. What, for a conservative, is there to dislike about this policy record as the Trump administration rounds out its first year in office?
That's the question I keep hearing from old friends on the right who voted with misgiving for Donald Trump last year and now find reasons to like him. I admit it gives me pause. I agree with every one of the policy decisions mentioned above. But I still wish Hillary Clinton were president.
How does that make sense? Can I still call myself conservative?
The answer depends on your definition. Here's one I've always liked: "The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society," said the late Daniel Patrick Moynihan. To which he added: "The central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself."
Conservatives used to believe in their truth. Want to "solve" poverty? All the welfare dollars in the world won't help if two-parent families aren't intact. Want to foster democracy abroad? It's going to be rough going if too many voters reject the foundational concept of minority rights.
And want to preserve your own republican institutions? Then pay attention to the character of your leaders, the culture of governance and the political health of the public. It matters a lot more than lowering the top marginal income tax rate by a couple of percentage points.
This is the fatal mistake of conservatives who've decided the best way to deal with Trump's personality – the lying, narcissism, bullying, bigotry, crassness, name calling, ignorance, paranoia, incompetence and pettiness – is to pretend it doesn't matter. "Character Doesn't Count" has become a de facto GOP motto. "Virtue Doesn't Matter" might be another.
But character does count, and virtue does matter, and Trump's shortcomings prove it daily.
Maybe you think the Russia investigation is much ado about nothing. Yet Trump brought it on himself every step of the way, from firing James Comey after the former FBI director wouldn't swear fealty, to (potentially) admitting to obstruction of justice with that tweet about Mike Flynn's firing. Or maybe you regret the failure to repeal Obamacare. But that had something to do with the grotesque insults Trump lobbed at John McCain, the man whose "nay" vote sank repeal.
Look at every other administration embarrassment (Scaramucci) or failure (the wall, and Mexico paying for it) or disgrace (the Charlottesville equivocation). Responsibility invariably lies with the President's intemperance and dishonesty. That puts Republican control of Congress in play. It also risks permanently alienating a Millennial generation for which the GOP will forever be the party of the child-molesting sore loser and the President who endorsed him.
Now look at the culture of governance. Trump demands testimonials from his Cabinet, servility from Republican politicians and worship from conservative media. To serve in this White House isn't to be elevated to public service. It's to be debased into toadyism, which probably explains the record-setting staff turnover of 34 per cent, according to an analysis from the Brookings Institution.
In place of presidential addresses, stump speeches or town halls, we have Trump's demagogic mass rallies. In place of the usual jousting between the administration and the press, we have a president who fantasises on Twitter about physically assaulting CNN. In place of a president who defends the honour and integrity of his own officers and agencies, we have one who humiliates his attorney general, denigrates the FBI and compares our intelligence agencies to the Gestapo.
'Presidents empower cultures'
Trump is normalising all this; he is, to borrow another Moynihan phrase, "defining deviancy down". A president who supposedly wants to put a wall between the US and Latin America has imported a style of politics reminiscent of the cults of Juan Peron and Hugo Chavez.
Conservatives may suppose that they can pocket policy gains from a Trump administration while the stain of his person will eventually wash away. But as a (pro-Trump) friend wrote me the other day, "presidents empower cultures". Trump is empowering a conservative political culture that celebrates everything that patriotic Americans should fear: the cult of strength, open disdain for truthfulness, violent contempt for the Fourth Estate, hostility toward high culture and other types of "elitism", a penchant for conspiracy theories and, most dangerously, white-identity politics.
This won't end with Trump. It may have only begun with him. And Trump's supporters may wind up proving both sides of Moynihan's contention: not just that culture is what matters most, but that politics can still change it – in this case, much for the worse.
Bret Stephens is a New York Times columnist.
THE NEW YORK TIMES
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